FLASH
Shkruar nga Fadil Lepaja 
From civil society idealism to the test of power: is uncompromising enough to govern?
In fact, our political fable began with a donkey, covered in a white cloth that read: “Vote for me”. Even though three civil society activists were practically dragging him towards the Kosovo Parliament, the general impression remained that the “candidate for deputy” was being taken there against his will.
It was a symbolic act, a mockery of politics, and especially of the people’s representatives of that time, but what did the donkey understand. Today, two of those who brought the donkey to parliament are already candidates for parliament. The third did not teach the legislature.
Many former civil society activists then sought votes for the donkey, today they seek votes for themselves. While the donkey's reasons for not wanting to become an MP are still unknown, the reasons for the civil society that converted into a party are clear: they wanted to change the world. Even singers, doctors, humanists, painters and people of culture stormed the doors of parliament. No one is forcing them.
But what has changed since then? Back then they were civil society, uncompromising, filled with idealism and fiery rhetoric. Now they have government experience, still uncompromising. Back then they blamed the position, now they blame the opposition. Vetëvendosje, an organization established for change, out of impotence to break the crime, seems to have been painted red: it protects the poor, it speaks of equality, of social justice. But does red catch mice? I'm talking about the red cat, if there is one.
Is the lack of compromise a strength? When you are in opposition, stubbornness, that is, the lack of compromise, promotes change, corrects negative processes, makes the unpleasant situation visible. The uncompromising struggle of Vetëvendosje once kept alive the hope of citizens for a state of law, for a system free from corruption. But when the lack of compromise is transferred to office, the dilemma takes a different form. Instead of promoting change, it brings you to war with all those who are not with you. Uncompromising politics, when you are in power, transforms the art of negotiation and compromise into a battle for the destruction of the other. Can a government that does not accept any compromise, that sees the opponent as a bag to be hit, function? It can also be said differently: evolution or revolution? It has nothing to do with Darwin…
What is the campaign about? Just for votes, or an attempt to win over the mechanisms of power, to fulfill promises? When it was in opposition, Vetëvendosje seemed like the uncompromising voice, which saw the campaign as a moral battle, as a fight against injustice. When it is in government, the dilemma is different: how to manage an inherited, rigid system, where every decision passes through the filters of old interests. The fiery rhetoric has been replaced by cold pragmatism, with internal calculations and with compromise imposed by reality.
What does the color of Vetëvendosje matter? How much equality can there be in a stagnant society? The Chinese used to say: “It doesn’t matter what color the cat is, but whether it catches the mouse or not.” Did it establish justice? Did it pave the way for development? Did it make the changes it promised? Because citizens don’t judge by color, rhetoric, or ideological flag. They judge by their daily lives. Everyone knows best when they lived better, what their priorities are, and how much their reality has changed.
In the end, everything depends on the ability to understand the message of the electorate. Not from experts, not from analysts, but from citizens who know when bread was cheaper, when justice was closer, when hope was more alive. The balance is not just a number of votes, but a reflection of everyday life. Vetëvendosje started with a donkey, today it is a red cat. But the dilemma remains open: is it catching the mouse? And further: can uncompromising politics be done in a democratic system, without transforming governance into a constant war with everyone?
Kurti is undoubtedly at a crossroads. It's not that they didn't curse enough with the other parties. It was a competition in arrogance. As the people would say: "From swearing to doing, there is a whole sea...!" Just as far, in these circumstances, political promises remain from realization. The eternal dilemma with bread remains: to produce more or to distribute it more fairly? Simply put, this was the essence of the historical struggle between the left and the right, capitalism and socialism. Socialism, at the height of its power, brought dictatorship, while capitalism brought democracy.
Maybe it's no longer about food, nor about wages... There is enough food and money in Europe. Will we leave or will we make Europe?/ Pamphlet
Macja ka ngjyrën Sali.
Kosova qe ne kohen e Gjergj Kastriotit qe, kurre nuk luftoi krah tij e ka vertetuar historikisht qe eshte kotele e Beogradit. Deshe mevehtesi, na merre. Ke toke buke e burime natyrore bashke me Shqiperine per te jetuar si fisnik, e po cfare mutin do!? Tirana ju mbrojti, Tirana ju krijoi, e ju maloke te shitur te dreqi e i biri i bete karshillek Tiranes. He de, beni Parlament e Shtet, apo nuk kini kohe se coni njeri tjetrin ne Hage e ndertoni ekonomi byrekesh, kafenesh e dyqanesh me produkte te Beogradit. Nuk pashe e degjova nje Kacavar te ndihmoje e mbeshtese Shqiptaret ne emigracion ndersa Shqiptaret nuk lane gure pa levizur per t'i ndihmuar. Paret bac, paret bac, dini me thene, hani paret tash. Popull qe ju vjen ndohte me thene qe jam Dardan e shume krenare qe jane Kosovar. Bile e kane eliminuar emrin Kosova por thone Kosovo, puro serbo-sllavisht.