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Shkruar nga Emin Azemi
Kosovo’s real dilemma has never been the origin of the gas, but the inability to build a national consensus on long-term strategies. By turning a vital security and economic issue into a gladiatorial arena for daily political points, we risk remaining stuck in the coal past, while the regional energy modernization train is running away before our eyes. The public deserves the truth: the gas was not Russian, but our political calculations are, unfortunately, proving wrong.
In our political theater, where drama often drowns out cold logic, the long-standing debate over Kosovo's inclusion in regional natural gas projects has reached a point of absurdity. While one side laments in chorus the "severance of relations with Washington," the other side, gripped by an inherited paranoia, whispers in the corridors that this gas, in fact, "carries a Russian flag." Amid this cyclone of accusations and conspiracy theories, the truth has remained hostage to partisan trenches. But if we strip the debate of political folklore, what do we really discover?
A project with a clean Western passport
The myth that the gas offered to Kosovo is "Russian gas repackaged in American packaging" falls apart as soon as it is confronted by the media with the real geography and infrastructure. The project in question does not originate from Siberian pipelines, but is based on Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). This gas is transported by transoceanic ships mainly from the United States and its allies in the Persian Gulf, being unloaded at the strategic terminal of Alexandroupoli in Greece.
From there, through the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) and regional interconnectors, this gas aims to supply North Macedonia and Kosovo. Designed by Washington and Brussels, this network is nothing less than an "energy shield", a clear geostrategic attempt to break the monopolies of the Russian giant "Gazprom" and finally disconnect the Balkans from dependence on Moscow.
The voices of professional reason, as a compass for orientation
When the fog of television debates thickens, it is international institutions and independent experts who must serve as a compass of orientation. Their voices, clearly documented in the media, leave no room for second interpretations.
Joshua Volz (US Department of Energy, Special Envoy for Global Energy Integration), in his statements to the international media (Radio Free Europe), has emphatically reaffirmed that the energy security of the Western Balkans is a top US national security priority. Volz has made it clear that the modernization of our energy system requires sustainable sources and that natural gas projects are precisely the sovereign alternative that Washington offers the region to replace Russian dependence, but also its heavy pollution.
Arian Zeka (director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Kosovo - OEAK), through official reactions distributed to local media (such as Ekonomia Online and Telegrafi), has described the government's withdrawal from this investment as a "sudden surprise". Zeka has underlined that Kosovo lost a golden momentum for building a critical infrastructure and that this refusal not only weakens the partnership with the US, but also directly damages the long-term economic competitiveness of businesses in the country.
Luan Shllaku (environmental and energy expert, in his publicly written analyses and in interviews for the KosovaPress agency and the Konfront show on KTV, has recalled an often forgotten fact: Kosovo was not starting from scratch. Since the 70s-80s, there has been a built-in gas pipeline network that once connected Obiliq with Skopje, Mitrovica and Ferronikeli. According to Shllaku, the refusal to connect to American gas and the stubbornness to "sleep on coal" (lignite) is a dead end, as natural gas remains indispensable as a stabilizing block to provide the energy that we lack today.
The rejection bill, what is Kosovo paying?
The Kosovo Government's justification, articulated by the Minister of Economy, Artane Rizvanolli, was based on the language of numbers: a high capital cost (around 600 million euros) and a desire to switch directly to clean sources (solar and wind). But short-term strategies often produce high long-term bills. The rejection of the project has already brought its own consequences. While North Macedonia and Albania are rapidly integrating into the new LNG gas corridors, Kosovo remains an isolated "island", almost entirely dependent on old and polluting coal-fired power plants.
Every expert knows that green energy (solar and wind) is unstable when the weather changes. Without natural gas as a "transition fuel" to balance the system, the proclaimed energy transition resembles a leap in the dark without a safety net.
Although Kosovo later signed another agreement with MCC for $236 million (but exclusively for energy storage batteries), if after a few years the country is forced to return to gas, building the network will cost much more, this time without the initial grants that were on the table.
On the geopolitical plane, rejecting projects of high interest to Washington creates the perception of an unpredictable partner. When it comes to national and regional security, decisions cannot be measured solely in cubic meters, resources, or finances, but by the weight of alliances.
How should the Government of Kosovo act?
Faced with these facts, political stubbornness must give way to strategic pragmatism. The Kosovo government does not have the luxury of treating energy as a battle between "the absolute green" and "American interests." To break out of this impasse, the executive must take three urgent steps:
Kosovo should urgently resume discussions with North Macedonia and Greece to secure an interconnection point to the LNG gas network. Even if it does not use the gas on a large scale immediately, securing the infrastructure is a vital guarantee for the future.
The government must recognize that the green transition (solar and wind) cannot happen overnight without a stabilizing block. American gas should be conceived as a "transitional fuel" for the next 15-20 years, which would gradually replace the older and more polluting blocks of the "Kosova A" power plants.
Instead of unilateral refusals that create diplomatic costs, Kosovo should sit down with Washington and Brussels to draft a joint strategy, seeking new funds and blended grants (including those from the EU's plans for the Balkans) that mitigate the financial cost of building the internal gas network.
If we refer to the above arguments, it is not difficult to conclude that "American gas" has no connection to Russia, except for the fact that it was designed to combat it.
Kosovo’s real dilemma has never been the origin of the gas, but the inability to build a national consensus on long-term strategies. By turning a vital security and economic issue into a gladiatorial arena for daily political points, we risk remaining stuck in the coal past, while the regional energy modernization train is running away before our eyes. The public deserves the truth: the gas was not Russian, but our political calculations are, unfortunately, proving wrong./ Pamphlet
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