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Like an old dog that, without moving from its place, senses from afar the camouflaged approach of the wolf towards the fold, while the others play undisturbed, the Godfather of SHQUP also released several somewhat coded messages yesterday, perhaps about the 'wolf' that is moving in SPAK amidst the files of his son, Shkëlzen Berisha.
From time to time, I follow the Godfather of SHQUP, as amidst the turbulence of his speeches, family troubles, new criminal proceedings, investigative factions, investigative actions, vectors of interests, reorganizations, temptations of his own to go outside the fence, alliances, broken bargains, etc. are reflected.
For example, a year before his son-in-law was arrested for the former Partizani Club affair (October 2023), Sali Berisha attacked the prosecutor in the case, Enkeleda Millonai, a message that few could have understood at the time.
Yesterday, on his 81st birthday (may it be his thousandth day), as he eclipsed Professor Pilinç with hyperbole, with prognoses, with half-truths and pure fabrications, in his speech there was also a certain concern about a possible new danger, in dynamics and perhaps approaching with determination.
Like an old dog that, without moving from its place, senses from afar the camouflaged approach of the wolf towards the fold, while the others play undisturbed, the Godfather of SHQUP also released several somewhat coded messages yesterday, perhaps about the 'wolf' that is moving in SPAK amidst the files of his son, Shkëlzen Berisha.
In addition to the trial of Fatmir Mediu, SPAK has an open investigation faction for Gërdec, with Shkëlzen Berisha as the de facto owner, proven with facts and evidence.
Based on the methodology of the investigation by Ilir Meta and Arben Ahmetaj, if SPAK is going to build criminal charges against Shkëlzen Berisha as the owner of the death business in Gërdec, part of the file can and should include his role as a broker in the CEZ affair (450 million euros), a proven connection to the chief broker Nuel Kalaj, who withdrew 6.8 million euros from second-tier banks in Tirana, passing them abroad in bags.
Is there any concession from the period 2005-2013 that does not appear after Shkëlzen's hand?
For example, on July 14, 2008, Shkëlzen Berisha and Ismail Mulleti entered into a contract. According to this contract, Shkëlzen's task was to mediate in the purchase of properties in the village of Rinia in Durrës, in the cadastral zone 31 84, with property numbers 60/2, 60/3, 60/4, 60/5, 60/6, 60/7, 60/8, with an area of 57,494 m2. Shkëlzen had to identify potential sellers of the land, identify the properties, provide information about the sellers, etc.
For this service, which could be performed in just a few minutes, through verification by state institutions, Shkëlzen Berisha received 200 thousand euros from Ismail Mulleti.
The fictitiousness of the service, through which the former prime minister's son received the money, is only one side of the coin, as there are strong suspicions that the amount of 200 thousand euros is not the real value. Also, the cadastral area is the same as the area where Damir Fazllic bought land from Argita and Jamarbër Malltezi, land that they had bought cheaply. Argita bought land for 10 euros per m2 and sold it to Fazllic for 18 euros per m2.
Then Berisha comes into play, who, by government decision, expanded the area of the energy park in Porto Romano, including the land of Fazlliç, his daughter's client.
On December 11, 2009, also in the Rinia Village in Durrës, in the Porto Romano area, Shkëlzen Berisha signed a contract with Stellar Real Estate Investments Albania sh.pk, to find buyers for the purchase of about 50 thousand m2 of land that they own, receiving 3 euros for each square meter as a reward.
In this case, Shkelzen Berisha earns another 150 thousand euros for his services. The company that sells 50 thousand square meters of land in the village of Rinia has Entela Shehaj as its administrator, the same person who is a partner of Ismail Mulleti, who pays Shkelzen Berisha to find land for purchase in the village of Rinia.
If the buyer and seller are partners, why do they need to pay Shkëlzen Berisha 350,000 euros for an unnecessary mediation?
Because businessmen, in order to obtain a concession, permit, tender or favor from the Berisha government, had to invent huge payments to Shkëlzeni or Argita.
On February 27, 2013, Sali Berisha, through chief financier Ridvan Bode, granted Ismail Mulleti the concession for fuel marking and monitoring.
From the balance sheets submitted to the NRC, the concession has a profit margin of at least 1.2 million euros per year, of which it pays the state about 100 thousand euros as concession fees.
So, Ismail Mulleti gave Shkelzeni at least 350 thousand euros in 2008-2009, while Berisha then gave Mulleti a concession from which he earns over 1 million euros per year.
It is simply an illustrative example, although it is also a criminal fact. Shkëlzen's hand does not appear only after the corruption affairs before 2013. If SPAK will follow the path of the 90 million euros that came out of the state budget for the Rilindja hemodialysis concession, a concession that no one in SHQUP dares to mention, this road splits into several alleys, one of which leads to Shkëlzen Berisha's pocket.
????hahaha,keni te drejte ti thonì : QEN, sepse ishte KËLYSH, por tani që u rrit, e kuptuam, qe eshte HIEN.