FLASH
Shkruar nga Afrim Imaj 
Kadri Hazbiu, former historical minister of the Ministry of Interior, has been appointed to the position of the head of the communist executive for 15 days. The mysterious circumstances of his appointment and dismissal have never been made known, while the unknown fact has remained documented in the secret files of the Party Central Committee...
Enver's chosen one, why do we need Kadri Hazbiu Prime Minister
Kadri Hazbiu was Enver Hoxha's first choice to replace Mehmet Shehu, the former communist prime minister who committed suicide under suspicious circumstances in December 1981. What was never learned is revealed by a secret document of the meeting of the secretariat of the Central Committee , on January 2, 1982. In the presence of the main leaders, the head of the regime, speaking about the dire situation in the Council of Ministers, reveals for the first time the name of the new prime minister. "Kadri Hazbiu is the most suitable candidate, he is an old cadre, a friend of the war and has nothing to do with the spirit of Mehmet Shehu", says Hoxha. Along with the name of the historic former Minister of Internal Affairs, the head of the Party has also put up for discussion that of Adil Çarçan, the former number two of the Shehu cabinet. In the above analysis, he then argued the advantages of Hazbiu's candidacy with a kind of caution not to hurt the other. "There is no doubt that Adili is also suitable, he is a good friend, but he cannot regenerate the government, as he has become accustomed to Mehmet's style, despite the fact that he is not arrogant", added Hoxha. In the document disclosed by Haxhi Kroi, Hoxha's personal secretary, it is known that Kadri Hazbiu was not only surprised by the offer of the Party leader, but right there, with that modesty, he pointed out that it would be better to was in charge of the Ministry of Defense, where there are still problems and another prime minister should be appointed. However, Hoxha, who has not paid much attention to the man he has chosen to replace Shehu, has closed the meeting by instructing others to inform the other members of the Political Bureau of the name of the new prime minister. But what else does Hoxha's secret conversation with the main leaders of the Party contain and what were the reasons he changed his mind about replacing Hazbi with Adil Çarçan...
Notes from Enver's conversation with key leaders
January 2, 1982
After the discovery of the hostile activity of Mehmet Shehu, before us lies the important task of regenerating the work in the state apparatuses, starting especially from the Council of Ministers. We had an enemy at the head of the government, so there are serious weaknesses and flaws. Mehmet Shehu had established a wrong method, a personal style that replaced collegial leadership with his orders. He, in a systematic way, with his arrogance, has fed fear in people. Mehmet Shehu wanted people to have robots to blindly follow his orders. The wrong spirit of Mehmet Shehu, based on orders and hasty decisions, has been reflected in the work of the government, in the work of the deputy prime ministers and ministers. Everyone, who more and who less, have adapted this style, worked as Mehmet Shehu required. The ministers had turned into simple reporters and implementers of the orders and orders they received. Creative work and initiative were very little noticed. Their place had been taken by conformity to the order, to what Mehmet or Adil said, who transmitted Mehmet's orders, their spirit and tone without reserve. And the other friends said amen. Now it is the duty of all of us to regenerate this situation. It is imperative that the members of the government, especially those of the Presidency, reflect deeply on the flaws and weaknesses. Undoubtedly, they were caused by the hostile activity of Mehmet Shehu, but even the fellow deputy prime ministers have their responsibilities. It would not be right for them to wash their hands thinking that all the bad things belong only to Mehmet Shehu. No, the members of the Presidency, Adili, Pali, Manushi, Qiriako, as well as the ministers, especially Petro Dode, are also responsible. Several times I have asked the members of the Presidency, as well as the ministers, to inform me of the problems they deal with in their sectors. With the exception of Comrade Kadri, who constantly came to me and to other comrades, secretaries of the Central Committee, the other comrades were rarely seen in the offices of the Central Committee. The members of the Presidency came to the KQ apparatus more when they were called by us. In these meetings, there were often advices and recommendations to give up routine work, to correct the flaws that came from haste and lack of study. Even in these cases, again nothing was done without asking Mehmet - the fellow deputy prime ministers reported everything to him. Why didn't the members of the Presidency come to me? Because Mehmet kept them under control, he lied to them that he talked to me about everything. So, in the way the work was organized there, where the order prevailed, to do this and not to do that, my friends did not see it necessary to come to me, because Mehmet was probably coming. In the situation that existed when Mehmet was increasingly being pretentious and arrogant, when, as his friends say, he was starting to become impatient, the members of the Presidency and those of the government had to come to me. This was their duty.Absence reflects a marked weakness in them. Seeing the situation as it is, who should be in charge of the government as prime minister? Could it be Adil? If we look at the issue from the side of political belief, there is no doubt that Comrade Adil has all the conditions. Even as a connoisseur of government affairs and economic problems, he is a suitable companion. But will Comrade Adil be able to lead the process of regeneration of work in all state apparatuses, to change the method and style of work that has been cultivated for years not only in the apparatus of the Prime Minister's office, but also in departments and executive committees ? I think that friend Adil, working for so many years with the style and method that Mehmeti inspired, will find it difficult to turn around immediately. In a way he is committed to that style of work, despite being neither overbearing nor arrogant. On the contrary, he is a laid-back friend who listens to others and maintains correct relations with his friends. On the other hand, how would the Party and the people expect the appointment of Adil to the post of Prime Minister? Undoubtedly, they have faith in the Party and would accept any of its decisions, but let's not forget that people above all want the certainty that everything in the leadership is clean, without any questions. In this case, if we appoint Comrade Adil as Prime Minister, won't there be people who will say: Is Comrade Adil responsible or not for that unbearable situation created by Mehmet Shehu? I think there would be such questions, out loud or silently. Therefore, I think that it will be more reasonable to appoint another friend as prime minister, who has the conditions to perform this important task well. I think that the most suitable candidate is that of friend Kadri Hazbiu. Comrade Kadri is no stranger to state, political, economic, cultural and defense problems. He is an old cadre in the Party and a comrade of the war. The people and the Party know that he has nothing to do with the spirit and method of Mehmet Shehu. Kadriu is energetic, he is against arrogance and prepotence, he respects and listens to his friends, he strictly adheres to the norms of the Party, the principle of collegiality. Kadri's appointment as prime minister will be well received both internally and externally. Internally, as I said, the people and the Party will be pleased that at the head of the government comes a friend who is known to be capable of making the necessary changes. While abroad, they will find that the positions of the Party are being strengthened, because Kadriu is known as the former Minister of the Interior and now as the Minister of Defense. So, from both aspects, it is better to appoint Kadriu as prime minister. It is important that the government rises to the level to perform its function and not be replaced by the presidency. In order to realize this turn, it is necessary to see the work so far with a critical eye. Let's process Mehmet's work, his evil activity, his foreign method.But it is necessary to do the analysis of our work. Especially the work of the colleagues of the presidency and the government. In order to properly strengthen the work in the government, it is necessary to make some changes in the government team. I think it is necessary to strengthen the work in the Ministry of the Interior. Comrade Feçor is unable to respond to the requests of this important department. Therefore, as a minister, we should send comrade Hekuran Isai, who is a good, hardworking fellow, who follows problems, who is able to draw conclusions and make necessary generalizations. Hekurani must take into account that familiarity and sick society must be fought in the internal organs, which are harmful everywhere, but extremely dangerous in the work of the Security.
Metamorfoza e Kadri Hazbiut: Nga maja e piramidës, para togës së pushkatimit
Në harkun e një viti, Kadri Hazbiu është ngjitur në majën e piramidës shtetërore dhe ka përfunduar para skuadrës së pushkatimit. Historia misterioze starton më 24 dhjetor 1981, me daljen e parë publike të Enver Hoxhës, pas tragjedisë së Mehmet Shehut, ku u shfaq i shoqëruar nga Ramiz Alia dhe Kadri Hazbiu, dy anëtarë të Byrosë Politike që kishin goditur më fort Shehun në mbledhjen e fundit të saj. Me këtë gjest të sforcuar, kreu i regjimit vinte në vëmendje dy njerëzit më të rëndësishëm të lidershipit të Partisë, me të cilët do të kapërcente, ndër të tjera, tërmetin e shkaktuar nga vetëvrasja e kryeministrit tradhtar. Në fakt, Ramiz Alia ishte “lexuar” më herët jo vetëm si dorë e fortë e Hoxhës, por edhe si pasardhësi i tij. Enigma këtë radhë lidhej me Hazbiun, që përzgjidhej ndër liderët e tjerë për herë të parë për një event të tillë. Shfaqja e tij në krahë të njeriut më të pushtetshëm në një moment kritik zgjidhte në një farë mënyre hamendjen për emrin që do të zëvendësonte kryeministrin e vetëvrarë. Vetëm pak ditë pas këtij testi publik, Hoxha zyrtarizoi ofertën e tij në një takim me sekretarët e KQ, ku, midis Çarçanit dhe Hazbiut, preferoi këtë të fundit. Me bekimin e njëshit të Partisë, kësisoj, ministrit karizmatik të Sigurimit iu besua posti i kryeministrit. Plot 13 ditë më vonë, Hoxha u shfaq në Byronë Politike me një propozim të ri, sipas të cilit kreun e qeverisë e meritonte Adil Çarçani. Të tjerët, bashkë me Hazbiun, ngritën dorën (nuk kish si të ndodhte ndryshe) dhe Çarçani po atë ditë u fut në zyrën që kishte lënë bosh Shehu. Ajo që kishte ndodhur në kulisat e KQ gjatë këtyre ditëve, nuk u zbardh kurrë. Sidoqoftë, vendimi për emrin e ri të kryeministrit komunist, ish-kryesigurimsit besnik, nuk do t’i kushtonte vetëm spostimin nga maja e piramidës shtetërore. Muajt në vijim do të linin prapa kreshendon e karrierës së tij dhe do ta vendosnin në syrin e ciklonit. Goditja filloi nga thashethemet e rrugës, vijoi me kryqëzatën në sekretariat e Byro dhe u finalizua me procesin gjyqësor, me verdiktin e të cilit Hazbiu përfundoi para skuadrës së pushkatimit. E gjithë kjo vetëm për 10 muaj…
Autokritika e parë dhe thashethemet ndjellakeqe
Ishte prilli i vitit 1982. I pafuqishëm për të mësuar arsyet e vërteta pse Hoxha kishte humbur besimin ndaj tij, Hazbiu u paraqit para shefit të Partisë me një autokritikë, në të cilën rrekej t’i tregonte përgjegjësinë që ndiente për moszbulimin e grupit të Shehut. Mënyra si u prit ndjesa e ish-ministrit nga kreu i regjimit, i la të kuptojë se Partia dhe udhëheqja e saj nuk kishin as dyshimin më të vogël në besnikërinë e tij. Megjithatë, Hazbiu, që e njihte mirë mekanizmin e eliminimit vrastar të Hoxhës, nuk mund të qetësohej përfundimisht nga sjellja “zemërgjerë” e tij. Akoma më dyshues e bënin qëndrimet e ftohta të njerëzve konfidencialë të këtij të fundit. E gjithë vera e atij viti u përjetua me një makth të jashtëzakonshëm. Zërat që qarkullonin në Tiranë, sipas të cilave Kadri Hazbiu do të arratisej, se ishte shkarkuar nga detyra e ministrit të Mbrojtjes, vinin në veshin e tij në formën e lajmeve ndjellakeqe. Ishte koha kur ish-ministri i Mbrojtjes, bashkë me Hekuran Isain, ishin caktuar në krye të grupit operativ që po studionte situatën rreth zbarkimit të një grupi të armatosur që pritej të desantonte për të vrarë Enver Hoxhën. Në fakt, deri në asgjësimin e kësaj bande të kryesuar nga Xhevdet Mustafa, Hazbiu “de jure” vazhdonte të ishte në postin e ministrit të Mbrojtjes. “De fakto” gjërat rridhnin ndryshe. Më 16 shtator 1982, në ceremoninë për 40- vjetorin e çetës së Pezës, sekretari i Parë i Tiranës, Prokop Murra, gjatë fjalës së rastit “harroi” t’i përmendë funksionin qeveritar. Rebelimi për këtë ngjarje të pazakontë, në mbledhjen e sekretariatit të KQ katër ditë më vonë, mori një përgjigje tronditëse. Kur priste reflektimin për pakujdesinë e protokollit, Hazbiu u vu përballë rrebeshit të kritikave që vinin në dyshim besnikërinë e tij. Tashmë dyluftimi ishte shpallur hapur e zyrtarisht.
“Mysafiri” misterioz që fundosi ish-shefin
On September 24, 1982, the KQ plenum was held, which discussed the "Synoptic table for the agent activity of the enemy Mehmet Shehu", where Hazbiu's name was articulated for the first time in the list of collaborators of the traitor prime minister. Shehu had already been declared a "poly-agent" and head of a "counter-revolutionary organization", which had prepared to carry out a coup by eliminating the head of the regime. An important part of this plan, Hoxha considered the landing of Xhevdet Mustafa's gang, which according to him was called by Hazbiu to kill him. The strongest proof of the mysterious alibi came from the commissioned testimony of the survivor of the gang, the so-called Halit Bajrami, a New Zealand citizen, a sleeper agent of the Sigurimi, newly activated before coming to Albania. He was placed at the center of the agent combination to prove the "treason to the motherland" of Hazbiu, his former boss, being used in the judicial processes of the "groups" headed by Hazbiu and Fiqrete Shehu. The "guest" called from afar tried to prove that the group of three he was a part of was called to help Kadri Hazbiu to eliminate Enver Hoxha. That was enough for the former minister to enter the ordeal of the crusade, first in the KQ secretariat, in the Political Bureau and then in the hell of special investigations-judgments./ Pamphlet
Lini një Përgjigje