FLASH
Shkruar nga Mero Baze
SPAK has entered the political game in Albania headlong, for their own interests, making honors with blows left and right, in order to be accepted by politics as a separate power with which they must negotiate.
The main concern that Altin Dumani raised regarding SPAK's activity during this year was the fact that SPAK has often been under political and media pressure, as well as the fact that SPAK prosecutors should have the right to re-run in 2028, when the mandate of 11 prosecutors ends.
As for the first concern, that is, what he calls media or political pressure, there is a bigger debate than the Chief Prosecutor's concern. The Chief Prosecutor's claim that the media and politics should not comment on his work is at least naivety and at worst a totalitarian mindset, a corporate mindset of the Republic of Prosecutors, against the freedoms guaranteed by the Republic of Albania.
So, the head of SPAK requests that the media not comment on his work, as it is called pressure, and that politicians not comment on SPAK's involvement in current politics by using the prosecutor's office in an ugly way.
The main problem that SPAK's occult relationship with a group of journalists misused by them has had to date is that the biggest investigative secrets are once released to the media, selectively and often with an altered context, they are put on trial by the public, and then their criminal proceedings begin, having the "popular support" secured by SPAK's completely illegal actions.
All files related to politics and the media have been misused by the SPAK spokesperson, creating a list of journalists who have been recruited in a non-transparent manner and have created false public accusations against the persons under investigation. So, it is SPAK that has used the media to pressure the public and not the media that has pressured SPAK. Of course, when there are such flagrant violations, SPAK will be criticized, and even should be sued, even though there is no judge to take the case in hand for fear of wiretapping.
SPAK has not done the same thing when sensitive files have involved SPAK itself. When the trial of the Toyota Yaris file began, where SPAK prosecutors and journalists from SPAK were mentioned as being involved in the file, Altin Dumani came out publicly and said that this file is secret and whoever publishes it will be punished. And this rule has been respected. So, when SPAK and its collaborators are being discredited, it declares it a public secret, while when it wants to discredit persons under investigation, it releases the file like dog food to the people through the portals that it supplies itself and then creates the convenience of covering up the shallowness of the investigations.
If SPAK were to one day issue a wiretap order for journalists who use them for fake news, it would see how the names of Altin Dumani, Olsi Dado and others are used by journalists as if they were talking about the neighborhood bread vendor where they go to buy bread for breakfast, lunch and dinner. Add to that the Taliban mentality of their spokesperson, and today we have a corporation of prosecutors and their servants in the media, who, lacking the professional power to conduct serious investigations, have decided to make propaganda with investigations and hold popular trials to make it seem like they are working.
And this is especially true for trials involving politicians.
SPAK has entered the political game in Albania head-on, for their own interests, making honors with blows left and right, in order to be accepted by politics as a separate power with which they must negotiate. This is the reason why today SPAK is a more politicized prosecution than the normal prosecution we had before.
The Justice Reform has practically turned into a special propaganda operation by SPAK, with its propaganda through the debunking of files in which they have an interest and the closing of files where they and their associates are being discredited. To go further with the arrests of politicians, they are clearly selective, politically calculated to do political favors and to blackmail political leaders in the country.
At the end of his mandate, Altin Dumani has produced a lot of noise but nothing serious in the investigation of the connection between politics and crime, and has even degraded some serious issues by relativizing and consciously ignoring them. Just look at what he did with Sali Berisha, to whom he opened a corruption case related to the seizure of the state when he was prime minister, with a cursory investigation to drag him out and he did not dare to even touch on Gërdec as a story of corruption, but only as a technological accident, nor to close the investigations into the murders on the boulevard, which is the most political crime of 35 years of pluralism. He simply produced statistics by issuing arrest warrants for Arben Ahmetaj, Ilir Beqaj, Erion Veliaj and Ilir Meta, making them a popular trial, and in the end he is investigating everyone where their wives bought bathroom tiles, what panties and dresses they bought and what credit cards they used.
Now, when you consciously get involved in politics, of course you will also receive attacks from politics, but the damage that political statements do and the damage that SPAK's arrest of politicians without charges does to justice is like night and day. SPAK has so far wasted the golden opportunity to punish corruption and the links between politics and crime, precisely because it wanted to do politics and political bargaining with its work.
The real results of the standards that SPAK has set in justice will be seen when those irresponsibly punished by SPAK take all their cases to Strasbourg and the decisions are made by the European Court. SPAK has lost two cases that have gone to date, that of Gëlç and Berisha. And it is likely to lose them all with the arrogance and procedural irresponsibility that it has done. Then we will all remember that the Republic of Prosecutors that we have built has functioned with its own laws, its own codes and above all its own political and media objectives, and does not want competition from the current media and politics.
Regarding the second concern that the head of SPAK has, namely that he will not run again in 2028 but wants his colleagues to run again, it seems like they have some opportunity to do so and it is up to them. Altin Dumani, even if he wants to run and if he does not want to, the law does not allow him to run again. In article 146/dh point 2, it is clearly stated that the special prosecution consists of at least 10 prosecutors who are appointed by the KLP for 9 years without the right to re-run.
And here the issue is not about names, but about the law they are pleading for. When it comes to themselves, they relativize it as if there are other possibilities, while when they judge others they violate it and take it to the extreme, filling Albania's prisons with detainees who are waiting for SPAK to investigate and find them guilty of criminal offenses, since it has arrested them.
The Republic of SPAK prosecutors must be subject to the rules of the Republic of Albania, which has a Constitution where freedom of the press is guaranteed, which has a Constitutional Court that has punished SPAK for raiding journalists' homes and seizing phones and computers, which has a law on political freedom and public debate.
SPAK cannot complain about the freedoms that our Republic has given us. They can complain that their Republic feels competed with by the Republic of Albania, but we cannot help them with that. That Republic should not have been born, but since it was born by mistake, it is better to accept the authority of the Republic of Albania or to dissolve.
Lini një Përgjigje