FLASH
Shkruar nga Ben Andoni
The paradox was that Albania after the '90s had dusty offices to fulfill the structures that the EU wanted, but not the GPS and the surveyors of the past. Corruption was very easy, as the cadastre was comfortable for heartless party militants.
Informality and the challenge of the law are what have been holding our country hostage for many years, but especially after the '90s. Completely different from other sister countries of the communist system, we deviated on a path from which today we are bitterly contemplating all the weaknesses, but more than that the way we know how to make our state. Among them, the plague of informality is the most painful and malignant of the entire post-socialist period.
It never scabs over and we simply have to lick it, like those wounded animals to calm it down, because there is nothing more we can do to close it. So in the multitude of news related to its ownership and misuse, the news that goes unnoticed are those related to cadastre and properties because everyone knows that there is a jungle there, where you can get lost even with the most sophisticated GPS.
Today, what is related to property is considered not only one of the biggest legal problems, from which many of them stem, but also the most confusing because of the way in which the movement of many people was encouraged without any plan; how land was seized and buildings taken over throughout the 20th century and beyond.
In fact, neither the governments before nor after the Zog Monarchy could confront the den of bureaucratic fraud of that time and the abuse of property laws and titles inherited with or without right since the Ottoman Empire. The communists after World War II took the mess even further with the confiscation of all lands, houses and even private businesses, nationalized by the state (a few years later). With the same haste, at the turn of the '90s, the Law of that time stated that: "the owners must take their property", but while the properties were being identified, the "fast" (Read: tricksters) and the "strong" (Read: extortionists) began their rampage. The configuration of those times would have been strange: few original owners (many died looking for it); others who benefited from the state and those who took it in various forms, demanding an account at the doors of the courts of each other. The rush of the newcomers hastily occupied the "free" land, where houses were built everywhere without permission (a areal view helps you understand when you fly to come or leave Albania) and the laziness of the Property Restitution Commissions with their bad maneuvers, added to the cynicism of local officials who quickly issued property documents to gain support, increased the concern to the point of absurdity. Now the owners of the real papers that were there since before the Second World War and the "legal" ones, already equipped with the state documents of the "democratic" authorities, were claiming the same property.
And not only that for a long time, Albania was unable to create a complete digital property registry, but also due to the fact that in many places you could not make measurements or you could not approach strong occupiers, there were cases where land or buildings were sold to several different people. Thousands of dead who have long since crossed the unfortunate list of the dead from communism are witnesses to the payment, while the consequences of this atrocity now fill EU reports and promises of reform from Rama & Co.
Plagën e majisin çështjet gjyqësore për zgjidhjen e pronave që zgjasin rëndom deri në 10-15 vjet, ku shumë që prisnin verdiktet kanë vdekur, pa e parë mundësinë e rikthimit në pronës, e të tjerë mëtojnë të njëjtin fat me predispozitën që shikojnë në gjyqet tona, shkaktare të vuajtjeve. Ndërkohë që “të fortët” dhe sidomos ata që janë lidhur me të dy partitë kryesore (tandemin PS dhe PD) jo vetëm kanë përftuar nga paligjshmëria, por në mënyra të shumta bllokojnë zgjidhjet. Kjo ka bërë që investimet e huaja të jenë shumë të kujdesshme (lexo: të kufizohen), ndërkohë që Kompanitë e huaja dhe shqiptarët jashtë vendit janë shumë skeptikë për ndërtimin sepse titulli pronësor nuk është i qartë. Dhe, të mendosh batërdinë në Zonat bregdetare dhe sidomos ato që kanë ndodhur me kadastrat në Sarandë, Vlorë, Durrës për tokën turistike, vërtetë tmerrohesh. Një pjesë e emigrantëve e kanë shprehur shpesh në foltoren e “Flamingove” se u duhet të luftojnë për tokën që zotëronin gjyshërit e tyre, ndërkohë që shqiptarit i thuhet se duhet të punojë shumë që t’i rregullojë titujt e pronësisë për Ligjin, Shtetin dhe Integrimin. I gjithë ky proces është shkaku i informalitetit të madh që ushqen indirekt dhe sjelljen informale. Pronarë që paguajnë me dy tabulatet, biznese që ushtrojnë punën por të kufizuar për shkak të titujve etj.
Në një masë të madhe, ekonomia jonë mbetet ende shumë informale, pasi shumë punojnë pa kontrata dhe pa taksa, ndërkohë që ka shumë prona/ndërtime informale, ku shquhen shtëpi, biznese, mjedise të tëra të ndërtuara pa titull pronësie ose leje ligjore. Në vendin tonë, ekonomia informale vlerësohet të zërë rreth 30-32% e PBB( Prodhimit të Brendshëm Bruto), kurse në tregun e punës, rreth 33% e punonjësve janë të prekur nga informaliteti (kryesisht me nëndeklarim page) dhe 1 në 5 të punësuar rezulton të punojë pa pagesë, referuar “Monitor”.
Paradoksi ishte se Shqipëria e pas viteve ’90 kishte zyra me pluhur që të plotësonte strukturat që donte BE-ja, por jo GPS dhe gjeodetët e dikurshëm. Korrupsioni bëhej fare lehtësisht, pasi në kadastra rehatoheshin militantët e pashpirt të partive. Para pak më shumë se 2015 me fondet e BE-së, Bankës Botërore dhe IPA-s, Shqipëria filloi dixhitalizimin dhe hartëzimin ajror, edhe pse qeveritë e ngadalësuan ose përshpejtuan dëmshpërblimin për t’u dhënë një dorë votuesve të tyre. Kurse mali i stoqeve në Gjykatat ka arritur në mbi 150.000 çështje pronësore nga të cilat sot arsyetohet se edhe nëse kadastra “ta jep pronësinë “, gjykata ta kthen dhe thotë: “Prit x vjet”.
This is one of the biggest concerns but it is lost in what this chaos has brought, where the Albanian individual is both the perpetrator and the beneficiary, but also the harmed as well as the killed. We simply copied the West with laws, but today, we struggle with chaos, lack of trust, corruption and lack of professionalism, while in the West the perception is that institutions are not just a concept for they should be of value to the state. In a long description in his book “The Mystery of Capital”, De Soto shows that unlike Third World and former communist countries, in the West property rights evolved over 200-300 years, while we did them in a hurry within a few years to join the EU/NATO. Metaphorically we have an empty building, as they like in Brussels, but not the work culture and professionals inside it, according to him. And, where problems are solved with bribes and friends, but not rules. This is where the connections of criminals with politics often come up, and then the control of the media, parties, and courts.
What is meant by this is that Brussels is interested in institutions as a form and much less in content, that is, good for reports. Therefore, today, we have institutions, but a population that does not trust them and especially an elite that learned to use them, because faith cannot be legislated overnight or even in a few years. This is the pain of the people who articulate from the pulpits to the "Flamingos", but which cannot be cured because it will take generations for the Albanian to pass that stage that no one has passed before us. Rama could not cross this mountain, despite the EU integration on paper; and Berisha missed it as a moment, after codifying the crap. No one can cure the informality and the lack of law in the country. Therefore, this definition of Aristotle sounds bitter but appropriate: "In his best form, man is the noblest of all animals; separated from law and justice, he is the worst".
Lini një Përgjigje