FLASH
Shkruar nga Pamfleti
After 14 years of absolute power, any 'controversy' within the SP seems more like a controlled scenario than a real battle for succession...
In the 14th year of majority rule, in a conventional situation, the movement to prepare Edi Rama's successor should have begun in time in the Socialist Party.
In these cases, factions, clans, and internal groups must organize and prepare for a confrontation, competition, and emergence into the scene of political reorganization.
In the last term, when Angela Merkel announced that she would be leaving, the CDU's opposition faction, led by current Chancellor Friedrich Merz, had prepared everything to take over the party. Even the concrete steps on how to get there, including the election of a transitional leader.
But in the Socialist Party, things cannot even be thought of as going conventionally. This is not only after Edi Rama came to power, but even before.
The two strong opposing groups in the SP were at their peak when Ilir Meta was still within the party, before the creation of the LSI. At the end of 2003, when Fatos Nano dismissed him, he had a clear strategy: if he won the 2005 elections, he would go down in history and completely control the party, following the Papandreou model in PASOK; if he lost, he would leave, as he no longer had the opportunity or desire to continue.
But Fatos Nano did not want to leave the party to Edi Rama, because he knew that he would conquer it. Nanos was interested in control through factions, to measure real influence.
And indeed, by midnight of the October congress, Nano had achieved his goal. He had declared in the media that the party should not be given to Edi Rama, because according to him he would destroy it. The resistance was strong, but with the help of Gramoz Ruçi and the underground lobbies in the majority, Edi Rama managed to take the lead.
From the day after he sat in the office of the SP chairman, almost everything changed: the left-wing party, from a porous structure with groups, turned into a command pyramid, where groups were not allowed.
Aware of the situation, everyone adapted to this model, taking advantage of the mayor's indulgence. Especially after coming to power, Rama showed through the cases of Tahiri, Bushati, Fatmir Xhafa, etc., that the "heads of the sultan's divan" can be easily cut off by his sword.
There has been no real possibility of organizing a rebellion, even a minimal one. Following a fundamentally Ottoman model, Edi Rama has rooted out not only every existing grouping, but also every potential attempt to create one. The prime minister has even set up a strong surveillance and information system to control every movement in power and beyond.
This was also known to the international community who have supported Edi Rama and his government over the years. This is precisely why the Americans, namely Secretary of State Antony Blinken, asked him in 2024 to prepare for his departure and find a successor.
His meeting with Erion Veliaj, as the only politician considered after Rama, was the signal that the successor had been identified.
But Edi Rama nipped this effort in the bud, worsening his democratic image and taking upon himself, even in the eyes of the West, the stamp of an Eastern autocrat.
Under these conditions, the situation is clear: a current that could overthrow Edi Rama or take the party against his will can only arise if he is severely weakened or if a strong internal conflict erupts.
Realistically, we are not yet in these conditions.
However, Edi Rama needs to create an environment, a mise-en-scene, to send the message to the West that he is preparing to leave, even according to Western standards. It is in this context that Erion Braçe's statements as an "independent" voice, and then Spiropali's as an open opponent, should be seen.
Edi Rama remains the only politician in Albania who acts with a clear and detailed plan in time, not leaving developments to chaos, even when it seems at the end of his political cycle. On the contrary, every step seems calculated.
An example is the way he dealt with the demolitions in Tirana, to cut off any connection outside his own court, especially with Erion Veliaj's group. In this way, he also destroyed the image of the mayor of Tirana, who had won three consecutive terms, significantly diminishing his figure.
Today, the era of Edi Rama at the head of the Municipality of Tirana is increasingly being brought back into the narrative, "zeroing out" the 12-year-old Erion Veliaj.
It is no surprise that all of this is a calculated plan to create a "democratic renaissance" within the Socialist Party, where disgruntled figures will clash with each other, while in the end the "socialist people" will insistently demand the continuation of the leader's position.
A scenario similar to that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who after serving four terms as prime minister, dismissed Ahmet Davutoglu and then took three more terms as president with executive powers.
Can Edi Rama do this too?
Maybe not in an identical way. But as a logic to maintain control over the SP, even by catapulting new figures from outside the system, it is a scenario that cannot be ruled out./ Pamphlet
Papaxhanit nganjëherë i duhen viktima që turma të vihet e të rrijë në rresht. Jetëgjatësi politike në baxhen e tij nuk ka asnjë. Veç vetes.
Tërë mediave vizive e të shkruara dhe anal-istëve të mjeruar ju doli si përralla e Dhelprës me koqet.e dashit......dhe si të tilla mbushin garuzhdet nga kazani politikës duke i zbrazur në pjatën e një populli që flet me vehten.....
"Nuk kam nevojë për leksionet dhe mësimdhëniet e Pamfletit". "E di vetë kur do iki, kur dua unë, jo kur thoni ju". "I juaj SHPATI".