FLASH
Shkruar nga Pamfleti
The new strategy against crime, announced as a reform, contains within itself the first signals of interference in justice. Altin Dumani read the message and returned the response. The war has just begun...
Prime Minister Edi Rama has just won his fourth term and, as usually happens at the height of power, has thrown the first stone at justice.
In a silent but organized manner, through a lengthy material presented by Justice Minister Ulsi Manja, the government has launched a new movement for a "national strategy against crime", which in reality carries elements of a coded intervention in the work of SPAK.
If one carefully observes the wording of this document, presented as a measure to increase institutional efficiency, one clearly sees attempts to establish internal control and a political filter over the work of the Special Prosecution Office.
The Chairman of SPAK, Altin Dumani, reacted immediately and decisively. With calm language but strong content, he said that SPAK does not need interventions, audits or new structures, as it is controlled by the High Prosecutorial Council and the High Inspectorate of Justice, as stipulated by the Constitution.
But the truth is that the government document, under the pretext of improving "ethics, professionalism and transparency", hides dangerous phrases that aim to soften SPAK's actions towards senior officials, and establish a forced interaction with institutions that are subordinate to the executive, such as the police, SHISH or other administrative structures.
Formulations such as:
-“proportional use of security measures”
-“promotion of summary trials and plea agreements”
-“internal control beyond vetting”
-“inter-institutional transparency and contact points for data exchange”
…are refined ways to establish new paths of communication and influence between the government and the judiciary, bypassing “bureaucratic mechanisms”.
In practice, this translates into indirect influence on investigative decisions, stopping the flow of information to the media, and, most importantly, psychological fear for prosecutors who touch the “untouchables.”
All of this has been interpreted by analysts as an attempt to establish a control strategy that will then be turned into law through Parliament. The dilemma is: will Rama make this intervention now, with this old Assembly, or in September with the new composition where he has all the votes?
In both cases, the threat is real. The interventions will not be seen as political pressure, but as administrative reform. That is why Altin Dumani's reaction has been so strong: to show that SPAK has understood the movement and does not accept it.
But another level of this conflict that is being outlined is the message that Rama wanted to give: if "mine" are affected, there is no longer a political alliance with justice. If SPAK prosecutors dare to request the arrest, wiretapping, or seizure of any minister or SP MP, the parliamentary majority may refuse to grant authorizations.
These are signals that clearly speak of a hot political and institutional summer.
All of this happens in parallel with another signal: the strange post of Taulant Balla, who for no apparent reason thanked the State Police for managing three major events, even though he is no longer Minister of Interior.
A move that for many has been read as a signal of his return to that post, or a direct reminder to SPAK, that someone who is being investigated for sensitive issues still has control over part of the system.
Meanwhile, the decision to move the "Partizani" case against Sali Berisha to trial comes as a counterweight that can be used to balance the perception that justice is selective.
Against this background, Rama's move is threefold:
1. Pressure on SPAK, through the new strategy;
2. Warning of a legal intervention in the Assembly, perhaps as early as the fall;
3. Increased bargaining against SPAK, which if it approaches the circle of power, will no longer find political support to act./ Pamphlet
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