FLASH
Shkruar nga Pamfleti
Behind the heated argument between Pacolli and his partners, lies the prime minister's fear that EU and NATO auditors will uncover the murky origins of the funds that are building the strategic Vlora airport...
This week has started with the latest noise about what is being called the "Vlora airport dispute"; the clash between Behgjet Pacolli and his partner Valon Ademi regarding the division of the share package.
At the request of one party, an investigation for fraud has been launched by the prosecution, which is expected to last until the new airport is fully formalized.
At first glance, it may seem like a typical shareholder conflict, but everything has more of a political than commercial flavor. Such a dispute could easily be resolved in court through official and contractual documents, without turning into a public spectacle.
This noise, which is being amplified by media outlets close to the government, seems intentional. It aims to draw attention away from a much larger financial and corrupt scheme related to the Vlora airport project itself.
According to internal sources, we are not dealing with a dispute between businessmen, but with a maneuver by Edi Rama to keep public opinion and international institutions away from the airport's funding sources.
In all PPP projects, including the airport project, the winning consortiums are complex financial structures that have no direct connection to the core companies of the entrepreneurs. They are “shell” companies, deliberately created to keep the origin of the capital in the dark and to have legal space for money laundering.
This is a formula that Rama has used systematically: the investor appears as a public figure, but behind him lies an international network of offshore companies that inject dubious capital, for which the Albanian state later guarantees payments through the budget.
The same thing has happened with healthcare PPPs, where the winner turns out to be a detergent company, or with infrastructure contracts, where funds circulate in an unclear manner and are then returned as public money.
Vlora Airport is just the most sophisticated version of this scheme.
The consortium that builds and will later manage the airport is made up of companies that have operated in high-risk countries like Benghazi, Kenya, Kazakhstan, and Putin's Russia, but never in European Union countries, where financial control is strict and transparency is mandatory.
These entrepreneurs, including Pacolli and his partners, have a long history of investing in countries where the law is not a hindrance, and where “under-the-table deals” are the norm. For this very reason, none of them have ever won a public competition in the West.
In this situation, the intervention of the Albanian prosecution looks more like a mirror game by Edi Rama, to precede a possible investigation by the European Union or NATO into the airport's funding sources.
With this move, Rama aims to create the impression that the Albanian state is investigating itself, to show partners that "every doubt has been cleared up."
In fact, he is seeking to close the affair with documents produced in the prosecutor's offices, to then submit them as legitimate "evidence" to international institutions that are following this issue closely.
It should be noted that an airport is not an ordinary construction project, but a strategic national structure, which in case of emergencies is also used for military purposes. Therefore, every financial source that enters this project is monitored by the security agencies of NATO countries.
They have already done their due diligence, while serious companies like Munich Airport or international airport management groups have deliberately withdrawn so as not to be tarnished by this affair.
In this context, the "quarrel" between Pacolli and Adem is simply a small smokescreen on a much larger affair related to the way dirty funds circulate through the Albanian government's strategic projects.
And as always, behind every public outcry, lies the same old fear of Edi Rama: the fear that European Union and NATO auditors will request the original funding documents, and that they will discover that many of them come tainted./ Pamphlet
Unë mendoj se gjithçka lidhet me aksionerin Turk që futet në 'valle' dhe mandej del nga 'vallja', duke marë '5 mexhite'. Por në valle hidhet pare dhe si rregull 'paret' i shkojnë çiftit. 'Kush është çifti përfituesi fundor i Aeroportit të Vlorës? Ndoshta BKT. Me çfarë kapitali u krijua BKT? Kush janë aksionerët nga pala shqiptare?
Prokuroria eshte hi syve. Aksioneret po te kishin problem kuotash duhej medoemos ne fillim ta diskutonin dhe ta zgjidhnin me Autoritetin Kontraktor pra me institucionet administrative pergjegjese per realizimin e kontrates. Prokuroria eshte gjethe fiku.
Kto jane kostot qe do paguaje populli shqiptar per bablokun e rradhes Keni pare ndonje Minister te tij ne intervista apo studio opinionesh?Pse sdel Bellamerda te sqaroje aq sa di per parate tona te investuara keq ne aeroport?
Me paratë e qytetarëve (taksa) Vlorë Bypass-i nuk është per qytetaret Aeroporti nuk është për qytetarët Lungomare nuk është për qytetarët Tuneli nuk është për qytetarët Vija e bregdetit Vlorë - Orikum, nuk mbrohet më E gjitha për: Zonat ku milionerët e afërt kanë investuar Atyre iu duhet aeroporti, tuneli, Sazani, bregdeti i virgjër dhe turistët që nuk mund të rrinë në plazhet e dëmtuara. Plan i bukur
Koncesion: një privilegj i dhënë nga shteti një "investitori/operatori të kualifikuar me përvojë të provuar globale në të njëjtën fushë". Një automjet me qëllim të veçantë - SPV - formohet nga një kompani e tillë kryesore për të investuar dhe operuar. Statusi i tij NUK MUND të ndryshohet pa miratimin paraprak të Autoritetit. Nëse Asnjë kompani e kualifikuar = asnjë koncesion! E thjeshtë. Kush ishte ajo kompani kryesore e kualifikuar? YDA. Ku është ajo në SPV sot? Ankara. Por nderuar Pacolli aty? Zero. Valoni? Zero. Pra; "VIA x 0=0". LIGJËRISHT, kompania e Aeroportit të Vlorës (SPV) NUK MUND të ekzistojë.